Spring into Health: Participate in the April Access to Medicines Days of Action

Urge Your Members of Congress:
Don’t Trade Away Global Access to Medicines!
Co-sponsor the Doha Resolution! (H.Res 525/S.Res241)

During the month of April, groups & individuals around the country will urge the United States Congress to support a new direction in U.S. trade policy that promotes developing country focused medical innovation and access to life-saving medicines.

WE NEED YOU to take action on “innovation and access” across the country by organizing your own “Spring into Health Day” anytime this April, when you will call, write or meet with your Senators and Representatives to ask them to co-sponsor the “Doha Resolution” (House Resolution 525/ Senate Resolution 241).

The Doha Resolutions (H.Res 525/S.Res 241) call on Congress to reaffirm the right of developing countries to provide affordable generic copies of lifesaving medicines to their citizens, and to acknowledge the importance of overcoming barriers to the development of new medical products for diseases that primarily affect people in developing countries.

Please get together with your student group, community organization, club, co-workers, family members or religious community to plan an event today!

To participate please contact Sarah Rimmington, Essential Action, [email protected] or 202-387-8030.

Tell Congress not to prioritize Big Pharma’s narrow commercial concerns over public health interests when negotiating trade agreements!

A poster, lobby meeting tip sheet, tips and sample letters for letter-writing campaigns, phone scripts for call-in days, and background materials on the Doha Resolution, are posted below.
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Action Day Materials

Spring into Health: AprilDaysofActionposter.doc

Tips on Meeting with your Member of Congress:
TipsonMeetingyourMemberofCongress.doc

Lobby Meeting Report Form: LobbyVisitReportForm.doc

Tips on Writing your Member of Congress:
TipsOnWritingtoCongress.doc

Sample Letter to Congress:
SampleLettertoCongressontheDohaResolution.doc

Tips on Calling your Member of Congress (including phone script) … coming soon

For groups and organizations: Sample email Action Alert… coming soon

Doha Resolution Background Information

Fact Sheet: Why is the Doha Access to Medicines Resolution Important? WhytheDohaResolutionisImportantfactsheet.doc

Fact Sheet: How the United States is Undermining the Commitments Made to Public Health in Developing Countries in the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health

Detailed Backgrounder on the Doha Resolution

Text of the Doha Resolution

For additional information, including additional fact sheets and
press articles, see Essential Action’s Doha Resolution page, or contact Sarah Rimmington at 202-387-8030 or [email protected]

Comments on Proposed “Anti-Counterfeiting” Treaty

On March 21, Essential Action submitted comments to USTR on a proposed anti-counterfeiting treaty.

The comments argue that background information on the treaty conflate the concepts of counterfeiting, “piracy” and infringement. “An agreement based on, or reflecting, such a conflation of distinct concepts is likely to be overly broad, proscribing behavior that cannot correctly be identified as counterfeiting and that is not necessarily detrimental to the public interest.” As regards medicines, the proper focus should be on public health — in the context of the broader problem of substandard medicines — rather than on counterfeiting

The comments argue that Big Pharma should be obligated to disclose publicly information it has on fake pharmaceuticals.

The comments also point out that the key market incentive for medicines counterfeiting is the high price of patented medicines, and that efforts to make medicines available at marginal cost will reduce counterfeiting incentives.

An rtf formatted version of the comments is available here: EssentialActionACTAcomments.rtf.

The text of the comments follows on the continuation.
Essential Action
P.O. Box 19405
Washington, D.C. 20036

March 21, 2008

Rachel S. Bae
Director for Intellectual Property and Innovation
Office of the United States Trade Representative
600 17th Street, N.W.
Washington, DC 20508

Re: Comments of Essential Action on the Proposal for an Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement

Dear Director Bae,

Essential Action submits the following comments to the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) concerning a proposed Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA).

Essential Action is a project of Essential Information, a non-profit 501(c)(3) organization based in Washington, D.C. We are concerned generally with protecting the public domain and the information commons. A key organizational area of focus is promoting access to medicines, including in the United States and especially in developing countries. While we recognize that many other important issues are implicated by the proposed treaty, our comments focus particularly on concerns about the proposed ACTA in the context of the public health priority of ensuring access to safe and affordable medicines to patients around the world, regardless of income or wealth.

ACTA priorities

USTR’s fact sheet and ACTA materials conflate patent, copyright and trademark infringement, “piracy” and counterfeiting. An agreement based on, or reflecting, such a conflation of distinct concepts is likely to be overly broad, proscribing behavior that cannot correctly be identified as counterfeiting and that is not necessarily detrimental to the public interest. For example, commercially interested parties sometimes cast compulsory licensing for medicines — legal under national legislation and World Trade Organization rules — as patent theft or “piracy,” but no one can argue these practices bear any resemblance to counterfeiting. At the same time, an agreement focused on patent, copyright and trademark infringement is likely to overlook important options to control counterfeiting, including by requiring companies to disclose knowledge of counterfeit products.

A multilateral counterfeiting treaty should concern itself specifically and uniquely with the dangers and harms posed to the public by counterfeit goods. Paramount among these concerns is the proliferation of unsafe and ineffective products. Sub-standard drugs, for example, threaten patient health worldwide. Notably, however, these dangers are not limited to counterfeit products: legitimate businesses, as well, commonly sell drugs with inappropriate amounts of the active ingredient, and a large percentage of brand-name drugs sold in the United States use raw materials manufactured in India, China and other countries in factories that are inadequately inspected by the Food and Drug Administration. The public interest in anti-counterfeiting, then, is not as a subset of patent, copyright and trademark enforcement, but rather a subset of state actions to ensure product safety and efficacy. At least as regards medicines, this suggests counterfeiting should be considered in a broader framework than the ACTA proposes.

Further, patents, trademarks and copyrights are private rights subject to private enforcement actions. While provided for in public laws, it is generally the responsibility of private parties to identify alleged violations of patents, copyrights and trademarks and bring suit. As proposed, ACTA would harness considerable public resources to strengthen the enforcement of these private rights. This use of public means for private ends is not only tangential to the legitimate public goals of protecting consumers from unsafe and ineffective products, it may also come at significant financial cost to taxpayers.

“Piracy”

ACTA’s use of the term “piracy” also suggests an interest in capturing a much broader pattern of conduct than counterfeiting. Piracy as a term is not technically descriptive, but is instead broadly applicable and useful in the art of persuasion. Its inclusion in ACTA would open the agreement to abuse, and it should be eliminated. Conduct ACTA intends to regulate or discourage should be described in precise terms.

International cooperation: sharing of information and disclosure

USTR seeks input concerning the sharing of information between parties and cooperation of law enforcement agencies. Equally important is the sharing of counterfeiting information by legitimate private companies, which often have the first or most complete accounts of counterfeit products. Without private companies disclosing their knowledge, agencies will be handicapped in their law enforcement efforts.

For example, although pharmaceutical companies depend on law enforcement and public resources to locate counterfeits and maintain consumer confidence in their brands, companies do not always disclose what they know about counterfeits in the market. Reportedly, the Pharmaceutical Security Institute (PSI), formed by fourteen pharmaceutical companies in 2002, recorded 76 cases of counterfeiting in 2004. The FDA only knew of 58. PSI’s counterfeiting database is considered the world’s best, yet it “is not accessible to the WHO, health authorities or the public.” Industry groups seem to favor general public awareness of the counterfeiting problem, which may lead to public assistance in enforcement, but sometimes disfavor public knowledge of specific counterfeited products.

For example, in 1995, GlaxoSmithKline allegedly asked the Ghanaian government not to alert the public of the presence of fake halofantrine antimalarial syrup in the market, for the sake of the company’s reputation. In 2002 in Kansas City, BMS and Eli Lilly settled for $72 million with the families of deceased victims of counterfeit drugs, seemingly to avoid the precedent that drug companies could be held liable for failing to disseminate information about counterfeits.

Governments should require companies to disclose any information they obtain about the existence of dangerous counterfeit products. If the public is to incur expenses combating counterfeiting, the public should at least have a right to the best information available so its enforcement activities are effective. We are concerned that proposals for mandatory disclosure requirements are absent from the available materials on the ACTA.

There are at least two existing proposals for statutory disclosure requirements. Cockburn et al. propose a model based on the United Kingdom Civil Aviation Authority’s reporting requirements for suspected unapproved aircraft parts. Companies would be required to report suspected counterfeits to regulatory agencies. The agency would then take responsibility for confirming the report and deciding whether and when to alert law enforcement and the public. Meanwhile, legislation introduced by Representative Steve Israel (2nd District of New York) proposed requiring drug companies to notify the FDA within two days of learning of a counterfeit threat.

Enforcement practices: public/private advisory groups

USTR’s ACTA fact sheet mentions provisions for advisory groups assisting in enforcement practices. It is important that any such advisory groups consist of balanced memberships representing not only industry, but also consumers, and, in the case of medicines, generics firms as well as brand-name companies. Overrepresentation of patent, copyright and trademark-dependent industries in anti-counterfeiting enforcement agencies could lead to enforcement priorities and expenses out of step with the public’s interest in safe and effective products and a competitive marketplace.

Role of market forces

There is broad consensus that high prices of some legitimate products drive both supply and demand in markets for counterfeits. For example, according to the World Health Organization, “When the prices of medicines become excessively high and unaffordable, patients tend to look for cheaper sources. Such situation [sic] encourages counterfeiters to produce cheaper counterfeit drugs. … When price differences exist between identical products, patients and consumers go for the cheaper ones. This creates a greater incentive for counterfeiters to supply cheap counterfeit medicines.” Despite a relatively well-controlled drug supply, high prices make the United States an especially attractive target. “America has become the go-to market for counterfeiters because we pay the highest prices of anyone in the world,” states Katherine Eban, author of “Dangerous Doses: How counterfeiters are contaminating America’s drug supply.” Public Citizen commented to the FDA, “In our opinion, as the costs Americans pay for prescription drugs continue to skyrocket and as the disparity in these prices continues to grow in comparison to other countries the economic incentives for counterfeiting and selling substandard drugs increases proportionally. This incentive is now greater than ever before.”

Patent regimes, which often allow exclusive rights holders to set high prices without fear of competition, create incentives both to innovate and to counterfeit. The high cost of research and development is reflected in each consumer’s purchase of a bottle of brand-name pills. By contrast, a prize system, in which medicines could be sold at marginal cost, with innovators compensated through prizes rather than marketing monopolies, would create incentives only to innovate. Counterfeiters would be forced to compete with low-price legitimate sales reflecting only the low overhead and manufacturing costs of each pill. Incentives to trade in fakes would dwindle. There are other possible measures to reduce prices, and which would also reduce incentives to counterfeit.

A treaty focused on counterfeiting should not fail to address the role of the high prices for medicines in promoting counterfeiting. We recommend that this matter be discussed in the context of any treaty negotiation, and that any resulting treaty include provisions for a study and review of the interconnections between high price and counterfeiting, and possible measures to contain prices.

Sincerely,

Peter Maybarduk
Staff Attorney
Essential Action

Response to Peter Pitts – River Cities’ Reader (Iowa)

Stronger Patent Protections Will Take Lives, Not Save Them
Written by Robert Weissman
River Cities’ Reader (Iowa)
Wednesday, 19 March 2008

The reason for Peter Pitts’ overheated rhetoric in a recent River Cities’ Reader guest commentary (“We’re Taking Your Medicine, Literally,” Issue 674, March 5-11, 2008) would have been a lot clearer if he had disclosed his multiple entanglements with the brand-name pharmaceutical industry.

Mr. Pitts alleged that Thailand, Brazil, and other developing-country governments have stolen patented inventions from brand-name pharmaceutical companies.

What these countries have actually done is issue compulsory licenses – authorizations for generic competition, while products remain on patent – that have enabled sick people to get life-saving medicines they would otherwise be denied.

Here is what Mr. Pitts did not explain.

First, the compulsory licenses have yielded major public benefits. Compulsory licenses in Thailand lowered the price of an important HIV/AIDS drug (lopinavir plus ritonavir, brand name: Kaletra) by about three quarters, enabling the government to provide treatment to 8,000 people who would otherwise go without treatment. The generic version of a heart-disease drug (clopidogrel, brand-name: Plavix) is 1/70th the cost of the brand-name product, enabling the government to offer the drug in the public health system. Previously, it was simply unavailable.

The price reductions obtained by Thailand have benefited the rest of the world. After Thailand issued is compulsory license on Kaletra, for example, the maker of the brand-name version, Abbott, lowered its middle-income-country price from $2,200 a year per person to $1,000.

Second, Thailand and Brazil limited the scope of their compulsory licenses to the public sector. In the case of Thailand, the government specifically preserved the right of brand-name drug companies to sell high-priced, monopoly-protected medicines to the upper-income Thais who rely on private medical care.

Third, nothing was stolen. Compulsory licensing is legal under the World Trade Organization’s rules governing patent protection, and under the national law of the countries that have issued compulsory licenses. Patent holders are guaranteed adequate remuneration under these rules.

Fourth, the United States issues more compulsory licenses than any other country. The U.S. government commonly issues such licenses to enable government contractors to make use of patented inventions without the permission of the patent holder. U.S. antitrust authorities commonly issue such licenses to remedy abuse of patent cases, including for pharmaceuticals, and in connection with merger approvals. In fact, a recent Supreme Court case effectively integrates a compulsory-licensing approach into the heart of U.S. patent law, making it much easier for firms or individuals to infringe a patent and simply pay a royalty for doing so.

Fifth, Mr. Pitts contends that compulsory licenses and efforts to introduce generic competition will undermine incentives for brand-name drug companies to invest in treatments and cures for diseases unique to developing countries. But as even the brand-name pharmaceutical industry itself acknowledges, this has nothing to do with patent protection: the buying power in developing countries is inadequate to justify investments for diseases unique to poorer countries.

Here’s what else Mr. Pitts failed to reveal: Not only is he a former FDA associate commissioner and president of the deceptively named Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, he is senior vice president for health affairs at the public-relations firm Manning, Selvage & Lee. Manning, Selvage & Lee’s clients include many of the world’s largest pharmaceutical companies, including Novartis and Sanofi-Aventis, two of the companies whose products were compulsory-licensed in Thailand. The Center for Medicine in the Public Interest’s board includes a principal with a pharmaceutical investment firm, and its advisory board consists in large measure of representatives of pharmaceutical-industry-funded organizations. Disclosing this information would have helped readers put his hysterical claims in context.

The one thing Mr. Pitts does get right is that the world needs more medical innovation, including but not only for diseases endemic to developing countries. The current system is doing poorly on this score. There are too few resources devoted to priority health R&D needs, from new antibiotics to new tuberculosis drugs.

Discussions are ongoing at the World Health Organization to investigate models to both spur R&D and promote access to essential medicines. One promising idea is prize funds, which would offer rich rewards for those who make important medical discoveries, while de-linking payment to innovators from the price of medicines.

We do need fair-share contributions to R&D by middle-income countries such as Thailand and Brazil (whose per-capita income is, respectively, about one-16th and one-13th that of the United States). But we can and must find ways to support R&D that do not result in the rationing of life-saving medicines in developing countries, and denial of life-saving treatment to people simply because they are poor.

There is growing interest in the U.S. Congress in searching for such win-win arrangements. Senate Resolution 241/House Resolution 525, for example, proposes a U.S. trade policy aiming to promote pharmaceutical innovation and access alike.

Robert Weissman is director of Essential Action, a public-health advocacy group based in Washington, D.C.

Full text of the Peter Pitts’ commentary:

We’re Taking Your Medicine, Literally
Written by Peter Pitts
River Cities’ Reader
Wednesday, 05 March 2008

Imagine that you are an inventor and the government steals your highly lucrative idea, without any warning. The next day, you are informed that the government plans to mass-produce your invention and give it away for free.

This is what happens, with increasing regularity, to the manufacturers of life-saving medicines. And self-appointed public-health activists the world over are urging other governments to follow suit.

The most recent example occurred last year in Brazil, when the government confiscated the patent of an antiretroviral treatment for HIV produced by Merck, a U.S. pharmaceutical firm.

Brazil’s decision came shortly after a similar move in Thailand, where the military-appointed government issued these “compulsory licenses” to obtain two drugs.

The first, the HIV/AIDS drug Kaletra, is produced by the U.S.-based Abbott Laboratories. The second, the heart-disease drug Plavix, is manufactured by Sanofi Aventis of France and Bristol Myers Squibb of the United States. The Thai government had already issued a compulsory license for Merck’s antiretroviral.

Thailand’s behavior is hardly unique. Across the world, it has been going on for years.

Last year in India, the government passed an amendment denying patents to pharmaceuticals derived from “previous knowledge,” a purposefully arbitrary phrase. Also last year, India’s Ranbaxy Laboratories began offering a generic form of Pfizer’s cholesterol-lowering Lipitor in Denmark, despite the fact that Pfizer still holds the patent. Although Ranbaxy’s version was already available in India and some other emerging markets, Denmark is the first Western country to sell a copycat version of the drug.

Meanwhile, many Latin American countries have repeatedly threatened the use of patent theft to strong-arm pharmaceutical companies.

Even worse, U.S. lawmakers are piling on. Last year, 22 members of Congress signed a letter to the U.S. Trade Representative expressing their support for the Thai government’s decision.

Such action is a slap in the face to the companies whose expensive investments in drug research and technology ensure that these life-saving medicines exist in the first place.

Thankfully, however, it finally appears that those responsible for ensuring global health are taking notice of the detrimental effects such sweeping policies have on the world’s poor.

Just three days after the Thai government’s decision, World Health Organization (WHO) Director-General Margaret Chan laid out the key reason why communicable diseases remain such a large problem in poor countries. As she explained, the pharmaceutical industry “has little incentive to develop drugs and vaccines for markets that cannot pay.”

In other words, such theft discourages innovation. Drug development is an enormously expensive, time-consuming venture requiring years of effort by teams of highly trained researchers.

In 2004 alone, according to the Government Accountability Office, the pharmaceutical industry spent $60 billion on research and development. Indeed, the average drug costs nearly $1 billion to develop.

If a company stands no chance of recouping even a portion of that investment, where is its incentive to tackle the many diseases that ravage the Third World?

Western drug companies may make good scapegoats, but in Thailand alone, they have contributed tens of millions of dollars to family-planning programs and training programs for nurses and doctors treating HIV/AIDS patients. And it’s doubtful that the Thai junta has the resources or the know-how to create such life-saving drugs on its own.

Furthermore, there is no guarantee that generic drugs produced overseas will even work. Quite often, copycat versions of patented drugs are manufactured in factories that do not meet WHO standards.

No one can question that activists and governments alike wish to combat these diseases in the most efficient way possible. But the greatest challenge in the world’s poorest nations is health-care infrastructure – not pharmaceutical patents.

In the face of these larger structural challenges, patent theft is simply a cop-out – and a deadly one at that.

Peter Pitts is president of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest and a former FDA associate commissioner.

Compulsory licenses the right medicine for prescriptions in developing countries – South Florida Sun-Sentinel

Compulsory licenses the right medicine for prescriptions in developing countries
By Robert Weissman
Published at South Florida Sun-Sentinel (Ft. Lauderdale/Broward County, Florida)
March 18, 2008

The reason for Peter Pitts’ overheated rhetoric in a recent South Florida Sun-Sentinel op-ed (“We’re Taking Your Medicine, Literally,” March 11) would have been a lot clearer if he had disclosed to readers his multiple entanglements with the brand-name pharmaceutical industry.

Mr. Pitts alleged that Thailand, Brazil and other developing country governments have stolen patented inventions from brand-name pharmaceutical companies. What these countries have actually done is issue compulsory licenses — lawful authorizations for generic competition, while products remain on patent — that have enabled sick people to get lifesaving medicines they would otherwise be denied.

Here is what Mr. Pitts did not explain:

First, the compulsory licenses have yielded major public benefits. Compulsory licenses in Thailand lowered the price of an important HIV/AIDS drug (efavirenz) by about three-quarters, enabling the government to triple the number of people receiving this life-saving treatment. The generic version of a heart disease drug (clopidogrel, brand-name: Plavix) is one-seventieth the cost of the brand-name product, enabling the government to offer the drug in the public health system. Previously, it was simply unavailable.

Second, Thailand and Brazil limited the scope of their compulsory licenses to the public sector. In the case of Thailand, the government specifically preserved the right of brand-name drug companies to sell high-priced, monopoly-protected medicines to the upper-income Thais who rely on private medical care.

Third, nothing was stolen. Compulsory licensing is legal under the World Trade Organization’s rules governing patent protection, and under the national law of the countries that have issued compulsory licenses. Patent holders are guaranteed adequate remuneration under these rules.

Fourth, the United States issues more compulsory licenses than any other country, including to defense contractors and to remedy abuse-of-patent cases involving pharmaceuticals.

Fifth, Mr. Pitts contends that compulsory licenses and efforts to introduce generic competition will undermine incentives for brand-name drug companies to invest in treatments and cures for diseases unique to developing countries. But even the brand-name pharmaceutical industry acknowledges that the real problem is that developing countries’ buying power is inadequate to justify investments for diseases unique to poorer countries.

Here’s what else Mr. Pitts failed to reveal: Not only is he a former FDA associate commissioner and president of the deceptively named Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, he is senior vice president for health affairs at the public relations firm Manning, Selvage and Lee. Manning, Selvage and Lee’s clients include many of the world’s largest pharmaceutical companies, including Novartis and Sanofi-Aventis, two of the companies whose products were compulsory licensed in Thailand. The Center for Medicine in the Public Interest’s board and advisory board is stacked with people connected to the pharmaceutical industry. Disclosing this information would have helped readers put his hysterical claims in context.

The one thing Mr. Pitts does get right is that the world needs more medical innovation, including but not only for diseases endemic to developing countries. The current system is doing poorly on this score. There are too few resources devoted to priority health research and development needs, from new antibiotics to new tuberculosis drugs.

One promising idea is prize funds, which would offer rich rewards for those who make important medical discoveries, while de-linking payment to innovators from the price of medicines. We can and must find ways to support research and development that do not result in the rationing of life-saving medicines in developing or rich countries, and denial of life-saving treatment to people simply because they are poor.

Robert Weissman is director of Essential Action, a public health advocacy group based in Washington, D.C.

Here is the original op-ed from Peter Pitts:

South Florida Sun-Sentinel.com
We’re taking your medicine, literally

By Peter Pitts

March 11, 2008

Imagine that you are an inventor and the government steals your highly lucrative idea, without any warning. The next day, you are informed that the government plans to mass-produce your invention and give it away for free.

This is what happens, with increasing regularity, to the manufacturers of life-saving medicines. And self-appointed public health activists the world over are urging other governments to follow suit.

The most recent example occurred last year in Brazil, when the government confiscated the patent of an antiretroviral treatment for HIV produced by Merck, a U.S. pharmaceutical firm.

Brazil’s decision came shortly after a similar move in Thailand, where the military-appointed government issued these “compulsory licenses” to obtain two drugs.

The first, the HIV/AIDS drug Kaletra, is produced by the U.S.-based Abbott Laboratories. The second, the heart-disease drug Plavix, is manufactured by Sanofi Aventis of France and Bristol Myers Squibb of the United States. The Thai government had already issued a compulsory license for Merck’s antiretroviral.

Thailand’s behavior is hardly unique. Across the world, it has been going on for years.

Last year in India, the government passed an amendment denying patents to pharmaceuticals derived from “previous knowledge,” a purposefully arbitrary phrase. Also last year, India’s Ranbaxy Laboratories began offering a generic form of Pfizer’s cholesterol-lowering Lipitor in Denmark, despite the fact that Pfizer still holds the patent. Although Ranbaxy’s version was already available in India and some other emerging markets, Denmark is the first western country to sell a copycat version of the drug.

Meanwhile, many Latin American countries have repeatedly threatened the use of patent theft to strong-arm pharmaceutical companies.

Even worse, U.S. lawmakers are piling on. Last year, 22 members of Congress signed a letter to the U.S. Trade Representative expressing their support for the Thai government’s decision.

Such action is a slap in the face to the companies whose expensive investments in drug research and technology ensure that these life-saving medicines exist in the first place.

Thankfully, however, it finally appears that those responsible for ensuring global health are taking notice of the detrimental effects such sweeping policies have on the world’s poor.

Just three days after the Thai government’s decision, World Health Organization (WHO) Director-General Margaret Chan laid out the key reason why communicable diseases remain such a large problem in poor countries. As she explained, “[the pharmaceutical industry] has little incentive to develop drugs and vaccines for markets that cannot pay.”

In other words, such theft discourages innovation. Drug development is an enormously expensive, time-consuming venture requiring years of effort by teams of highly-trained researchers.

In 2004 alone, according to the Government Accountability Office, the pharmaceutical industry spent $60 billion on research and development. Indeed, the average drug costs nearly $1 billion to develop.

If a company stands no chance of recouping even a portion of that investment, where is its incentive to tackle the many diseases that ravage the third world?

Western drug companies may make good scapegoats, but in Thailand alone, they have contributed tens of millions of dollars to family planning programs and training programs for nurses and doctors treating HIV/AIDS patients. And it’s doubtful that the Thai junta has the resources or the know-how to create such life-saving drugs on their own.

Furthermore, there is no guarantee that generic drugs produced overseas will even work. Quite often, copycat versions of patented drugs are manufactured in factories that do not meet WHO standards.

No one can question that activists and governments alike wish to combat these diseases in the most efficient way possible. But the greatest challenge in the world’s poorest nations is healthcare infrastructure — not pharmaceutical patents.

In the face of these larger structural challenges, patent theft is simply a cop-out — and a deadly one at that.

Peter Pitts is president of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest and a former FDA associate commissioner.

Thailand figures reveal the benefit of compulsory licences

by Kevin Grogan
Published at PharmaTimes

Activists in the USA who support Thailand’s decision to issue compulsory licences have been highlighting data which demonstrates that the policy is proving to be highly effective in getting HIV/AIDS drugs to more patients in the country.

Essential Action’s Access to Medicines Project cites data from the Thai National Health Security Office’s sub-committee for benefits and services development which gives details about the number of patients benefiting from two of the first three drugs that were compulsory licensed in late 2006 and early 2007, namely generic versions of Merck & Co’s Stocrin (efavirenz) and Abbott Laboratories’ Kaletra (lopinavir/ritonavir), both HIV/AIDS drugs.
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The figures demonstrate that as of January this year, roughly 24,013 people were taking the generic version of efavirenz, approximately three times more than were using the drug before the compulsory licence is issued. Essential Action also notes that some 2,500 patients were being treated with generic lopinavir/ritonavir from India, again three times the number using the higher-priced brand-name therapy before the Thai government’s move.

Regarding the third drug, a generic version of Sanofi-Aventis/Bristol-Myers Squibb’s antiplatelet blockbuster Plavix (clopidogrel) has already registered by the GPO. It is produced by India’s Cadila Healthcare, and an order of the first batch for two million tablets was placed.

Since then, four other compulsory licences have been issued on cancer drugs –Sanofi’s Taxotere (docetaxel), Roche/Genentech’s Tarceva (erlotinib) and Novartis’ Femara (letrozole) and Glivec/Gleevec (imatinib), though the latter licence was cancelled after the Swiss firm agreed to supply it free to hundreds of leukemia patients in Thailand. The new government in Bangkok has suggested that it intends to continue with the policy, a move that has given rise to fears that the USA and the European Union will step up pressure on the Thais to think again.

EU will not take Thailand case to WTO
However, Essential Action says that reports suggesting that the European Union is planning to file a case against Thailand at the World Trade Organisation are untrue. The group says that when asked a plea to the WTO was in the pipeline, an EU official stated that no challenge was or will be made and acknowledges that Thailand’s actions are WTO-compliant.

The official is quoted as saying that “the Commission has been in constant contact with the Thai authorities and has stressed that compulsory licensing, while allowed by the WTO rules, should be regarded as a last resort option and that negotiations and collaboration with pharmaceutical companies should be sought”. The EU is hoping that this will be the line of the new government, the official said, however “it is clear that the Commission has never threatened WTO litigation on compulsory licensing for medicines”.

Trade officials across the Atlantic have also denied that any trade sanctions are planned, although Thailand does appear on the US Trade Representative’s current Priority Watch List for intellectual property transgressors.

EU Not Threatening Thailand With WTO Litigation

by Ed Silverman
Published at pharmalot.com

Now that Thailand’s new government has indicated it will proceed, after all, with plans to issue compulsory licenses for three cancer meds, speculation is growing that the European Commission will pursue litigation under World Trade Organization rules. However, activists who support Thailand’s efforts are circulating a statement from an EU spokesperson that quashes the notion.

According to the message we received, European Union reps say the allegations are untrue. And asked if the EU was considering a WTO challenge, an EU official stated that the EU has made never threatened a challenge, does not plan a challenge, and acknowledges that Thailand’s actions comply with WTO rules. This is the statement…

“The commission has been in constant contact with the Thai authorities and has stressed that compulsory licensing, while allowed by the WTO rules, should be regarded as a last resort option and that negotiations and collaboration with pharmaceutical companies should be sought. The EU is hoping that this will be the line of the new government. However, it is clear that the commission has never threatened WTO litigation on compulsory licensing for medicines.”

We have written the EU to seek further comment. We should note, meanwhile, that similar rumors surfaced last month involving pending sanctions by Washington. However, the US Trade Rep ruled out trade sanctions, but did say Thailand’s status is being examined as part of an annual review. Pharma has lobbied for the US Trade Rep to downgrade Thailand to its lowest echelon. Bangkok is already on the Priority Watch List.

Briefing Note: No EU WTO Challenge on Thai Compulsory Licenses

Briefing Note: EU confirms the legality of Thai generic medicines policy; denies threatening WTO litigation
Sarah Rimmington

Reports have recently appeared in the Thai and international media that the European Union is planning to file a case against Thailand at the World Trade Organization (WTO) because of the issuance of seven compulsory licenses — which authorize the use of generic copies of patented medicines — for important treatments for HIV/AIDS, heart disease and cancer.[1] French pharmaceutical company Sanofi-Aventis and Swiss companies Novartis AG and Roche hold five of the seven patents licensed by the Thais.

European Union representatives say these allegations are untrue.
Asked if the EU was considering a WTO challenge, an EU official stated that the European Union has made never threatened a challenge, does not plan a challenge, and acknowledges that Thailand’s actions are WTO-compliant.

The official issued the following comment:

“The Commission has been in constant contact with the Thai authorities and has stressed that compulsory licensing, while allowed by the WTO rules, should be regarded as a last resort option and that negotiations and collaboration with pharmaceutical companies should be sought. The EU is hoping that this will be the line of the new Government. However, it is clear that the Commission has never threatened WTO litigation on compulsory licensing for medicines.”

Interested reporters can contact the EU Spokesperson’s Service in Brussels. See here.

Similar reports surfaced in February that the United States was on the verge of filing an action against Thailand at the WTO because of the compulsory licenses. On February 29, Inside U.S. Trade reported that the Office of the United States Trades Representative denied that a case against Thailand was being considered.[2]

[1] See, for example, “EU to Ask WTO to Rule on Thailand’s Drug Licensing,” The Nation (Bangkok), March 10, 2008, and “Thailand to maintain patent override policy,” PharmaTimes, March 11, 2008.

[2] “USTR Not Preparing Case Against Thailand For Compulsory Licenses,” Inside U.S. Trade, February 29, 2008.

Data on Thai Compulsory License Benefits

Thailand’s National Health Security Office (Sub-committee for Benefits and Services Development) has published some data on the number of patients benefiting from the drugs that were compulsory licensed in late 2006/early 2007.

As of January 2008, roughly 24,000 people were taking the generic version of efavirenz, roughly a tripling of the number using the medication before the compulsory license.

About 2,500 were using generic lopinavir/ritonavir, again roughly three times the number on the higher-priced brand-name therapy before the compulsory license was issued.

A powerpoint with data as of February 2008 is available here: ThaiCLdrugUse.ppt. The chart for efavirenz shows a big initial boost and then decline, which I’m told reflects an initial stockpiling by hospitals. Afterwards, the numbers steadily rise to the current level.

— Robert Weissman

International Herald Tribune Letter: Thai medicines policy follows WTO rules; has significant public health benefits

by Sarah Rimmington and Robert Weissman, Essential Action
Submitted to the International Herald Tribune

To the Editors,

A recent story (_”Head of Thailand’s Food and Drug Administration resigns after one week,”_ March 3, 2008) incorrectly describes the international legal rules governing Thailand’s decision to provide affordable generic versions of important treatments for HIV/AIDS, heart disease and cancer to low-income Thais. The article says international trade rules “allow a government to issue a compulsory license to manufacture a generic version of a drug only in case of a national public health emergency.”

In fact, World Trade Organization rules stipulate that governments can issue compulsory licenses — an authorization of generic competition for products that remain under patent — under circumstances of their own choosing.
—–

It is true, as the article says, that the drug companies dispute whether Thailand should have issued compulsory licenses. But the public health benefits are undeniable: thanks to the lower prices from already implemented compulsory licenses, thousands of Thais are being given life-saving treatments for HIV/AIDS and heart disease they otherwise would have been denied.

Robert Weissman, Director, Essential Action, Washington, DC, USA
Sarah Rimmington, Attorney, Essential Action, Access to Medicines Project, Washington, DC, USA

Here is the article referred to in the letter above.

Head of Thailand’s Food and Drug Administration resigns after one week
Monday, March 3, 2008
The Associated Press
Published at The International Herald Tribune

BANGKOK, Thailand: The recently appointed head of Thailand’s Food and Drug Administration resigned Monday amid controversy over the new government’s plan to review a policy of overriding patents on several expensive cancer-fighting drugs.

Chatree Banchuen was named secretary general of the FDA last week, making him the government’s chief negotiator with multinational drug companies over pricing and licensing terms.

Chatree said he decided to resign because he felt “uncomfortable with the politics,” explaining that critics had brought up old, unproven allegations linking him to corruption in a computer procurement project in 2003. He called the allegations “politically motivated and groundless,” without elaborating.

Chatree’s predecessor, Siriwat Thiptharadon, was transferred to an inactive post last Tuesday by the new government of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej. Siriwat called his transfer unfair, charging it was because he supported compulsory licensing of drug patents.

Compulsory licensing is intended to make some drugs more affordable by taking away the patent holder’s ability to control the drug’s price, a benefit of being a drug’s exclusive supplier. International trade rules allow a government to issue a compulsory license to manufacture a generic version of a drug only in case of a national public health emergency.

Siriwat was the architect of the government’s policy leading to the issuing of compulsory licenses on Jan. 4 for four cancer-fighting drugs.

In the past two years, the Thai government has also issued compulsory licenses for several drugs used to treat AIDS and heart disease, drawing criticism from companies holding patents on the drugs.

The drug companies dispute whether the circumstances in Thailand qualify for such licenses.

Newly appointed Public Health Minister Chaiya Sasomsup said Monday the ministry will review the licensing policy on the cancer-fighting drugs, while ensuring patients have affordable access to the medicines.

He said that if negotiations fail to get drug companies to lower their prices, compulsory licensing would be maintained.

Chaiya earlier said the government planned to review the drug licensing policy because U.S. drug manufacturers might ask Washington to apply trade sanctions against Thailand.

The four drugs issued compulsory licenses on Jan. 4 are Novartis’ Imatinib and Letrozole, Sanofi-Aventis’ Docetaxel, and Roche’s Erlotinib.

Novartis AG and Roche Holding AG are Swiss, and Sanofi-Aventis SA is French.